Indianapolis Mayor Joe Hogsett has long cultivated a reputation for public integrity.

As U.S. attorney, he increased government corruption prosecutions. During his mayoral campaign, he pledged to crack down on public employees who use their position for personal gain. And once in office, he signed an ethics reform package to prohibit conflicts of interest and increase transparency.

One government watchdog group awarded him the title “Mr. Clean.”

“Indiana is not for sale,” Hogsett said at the time. “The public’s trust is not a commodity that is negotiable.”

But a Mirror Indy/IndyStar investigation has found that Hogsett ignored conflicts of interest involving millions of dollars in city incentives.

Perhaps nobody benefited as much as Thomas Cook, the mayor’s former chief of staff who was forced to resign because of a prohibited relationship with a subordinate.

The resignation did not stop Cook from cashing in on his city connections.

He quickly landed a job at a downtown law firm with strong ties to Hogsett. Then he signed up a roster of big-time developers and helped them secure millions of dollars in city incentives, including tax increment financing, property tax abatements and COVID relief funds.

That work raises ethical questions because the leader of the city agency behind those incentives was the same woman who was involved in a sexual relationship with Cook that led to his ouster from the mayor’s office.

The woman, Scarlett Andrews, began leading the city’s Department of Metropolitan Development in 2020, then served as deputy mayor for economic development until the end of 2023. Those positions gave her the power to recommend which projects received taxpayer dollars.

In all, the department Andrews oversaw awarded or recommended at least $80 million in public incentives to projects with ties to Cook’s clients. They include some of the highest profile in the city: City Market, the vacant county jail site on the east side of downtown, and the former Angie’s List campus. Cook’s involvement in many of the projects has never been publicly reported.

In some cases, Andrews threw her support behind developments despite significant neighborhood opposition. She also granted exceptions that allowed luxury apartment developments to sidestep affordable housing requirements.

Each time, Cook’s clients benefited.

His relationship with Andrews and close ties to the mayor make it difficult to know if city development deals were in the public’s best interest — and whether they came at the expense of other, more qualified projects.

Some staffers inside Andrews’ department felt she was showing favoritism toward Cook’s clients. The concerns prompted at least one complaint to the city’s legal office.

Despite such concerns, Hogsett allowed Cook and Andrews to continue making deals together, taking no steps to establish boundaries that would have eased ethical concerns.

In fact, Hogsett raised campaign cash from Cook’s clients.

While projects connected to Cook were frequently the subject of splashy announcements from city leaders, many have not moved forward, raising questions about how thoroughly the city vetted them. Some have sought additional money from the city.

Incentives typically aren’t paid out unless the project moves forward, so the city didn’t necessarily lose money on those projects — but it may have lost an opportunity to devote energy and resources to better projects.

In a recent interview, Hogsett refused to comment on the relationship between Cook and Andrews or whether it represented a conflict of interest, citing concerns about keeping personnel matters confidential.

He also said the city can’t control a private attorney’s actions on behalf of developers, and he defended his administration’s economic development deals.

“I’m confident that the multiple layers of legal, administrative and legislative oversight involved in approving economic development deals ensures that every incentive offered is in the best interest of this city and its taxpayers,” Hogsett said.

But many of the people involved in those reviews — council members, developers, and neighbors – said in interviews that they had no idea about the relationship between Cook and Andrews.

The city’s ethics code prohibits conflicts of interest among certain parties, but does not address romantic relationships among unmarried couples. It’s not clear whether Cook’s actions violated other ethics provisions, such as the city’s restrictions on post-employment activity.

Cook stopped working at the law firm, Bose McKinney & Evans, in 2024. Andrews left the city in 2023.

Cook and Andrews did not respond to multiple inquiries from the news outlets, including whether they are still in a relationship, but public records show Andrews lived in the house Cook owns as recently as September.

The relationship

The relationship between Cook and Andrews became an internal problem for the mayor in 2020. He decided to resolve it quietly.

At the time, Cook was one of the city’s most influential powerbrokers, serving as Hogsett’s chief of staff and top campaign adviser. Andrews was a rising star in the city’s metropolitan development department whom some saw as the next director.

“You could be if that’s what you wanted,” Cook told her in a text message from the summer of 2020 obtained by Mirror Indy and IndyStar. “I love you.”

“I love you too,” she responded.

In another exchange, Cook told her that an attorney at Bose wanted him to come work there.

“I’ll have you negotiating economic development deals under me,” Andrews wrote.

Both were married to other people at the time, but later divorced. They kept their relationship secret — or, at least, they tried.

In the fall of 2020, as the city was looking for a new metropolitan development leader, the city’s human resources director became aware of a report that alleged Cook and Andrews were in a sexual relationship.

Although the public wouldn’t know it until IndyStar and Mirror Indy disclosed it last year, Cook had maintained his powerful position in the Hogsett administration despite an allegation of sexual harassment and abuse of power by Lauren Roberts, a former campaign worker, in 2017. The allegation led Hogsett to privately prohibit Cook from having romantic relationships with city employees.

After that allegation and two others became public in 2024, Cook apologized for “consensual relationships that violated a trust placed in me.” He denied seeking to use his position to further those relationships, but said he understood that his actions “raised legitimate concerns.”

When confronted in 2020 about their relationship, Cook and Andrews both initially denied it, but investigations by the city’s human resources director and outside legal counsel confirmed the relationship.

The investigations determined that Cook had violated the 2017 prohibition against relationships with co-workers. They also determined Cook and Andrews both violated the city’s anti-fraternization policy.

The city’s human resources director recommended firing Cook and denying Andrews’ promotion.

Hogsett did neither.

Instead, he allowed Cook to continue working for the city for more than two months before resigning at the end of 2020.

In a glowing news release about Cook’s departure, Hogsett did not mention that his top aide had been forced to resign, nor did he address the reason. Instead, he praised Cook for his “indelible impact” on the city and for helping to negotiate more than $1 billion in development deals.

As for Andrews, the mayor announced that he was promoting her to the position of director of the Department of Metropolitan Development.

In February 2021, Cook joined Bose, a law firm where Hogsett was a partner before becoming mayor. The firm was the recipient of city contracts worth up to $535,000 that Cook personally signed on behalf of the mayor’s office during his time as chief of staff.

Their text message predictions had become a reality. Andrews was leading the city’s development agency and Cook was ready to negotiate deals on behalf of his new clients at Bose.

Although the mayor and a handful of other city government insiders knew about their relationship, the public remained in the dark.

1820 Ventures

It didn’t take long for Cook and Andrews to end up across from each other at the negotiating table.

Incentives often require approval from City-County Council and one or more development commissions, but Andrews’ role is crucial because DMD is responsible for negotiating and recommending such deals.

In 2021, less than six months after Cook left the city, a developer hired Cook to work on an ambitious plan to revitalize the old Angie’s List campus just east of downtown. The relatively new developer, 1820 Ventures, planned to spend $250 million over 10 years to transform the roughly four-block area into apartments, offices and retail space in a project named Elevator Hill.

A meeting agenda from July 2021 places Cook and Andrews in the same room to discuss financing for the project. In August, Andrews presented the project to a City-County Council committee, and by September the full council voted to award the project $3.75 million in tax increment financing, or TIF, an incentive that allows property taxes generated by the development to be used to finance construction.

During that meeting, Cook texted a city employee: “The Republican to my right is going to get $3 million thanks to me.” The reference was to Jeremy Stephenson, the founder and managing partner of 1820 Ventures. (Stephenson told reporters he is a Democrat.)

At least one council member raised concerns about Elevator Hill during the meeting. Monroe Gray criticized the Hogsett administration for initially recommending the project for funding without a minority- and women-owned business plan, which the city typically requires of developments that receive city support.

“I find it hard that the past chief of staff didn’t know to take the proper steps,” he said.

What Gray didn’t know then was that Cook had an intimate relationship with Andrews, whose agency had brought the project forward.

“I don’t think it was appropriate that she would be able to OK deals that he brought forward,” Gray, who lost his seat in 2023, said in a recent interview. “Ethically, it’s not right. Any way you look at it, it wasn’t right.”

Reporters from Mirror Indy and IndyStar asked Hogsett why he would allow two people who were in a romantic relationship to be on opposite ends of the negotiating table, but he didn’t acknowledge the conflict of interest.

Instead, he said he wasn’t going to comment on “theoretical personnel matters” — a phrase he uttered nine times during the 15-minute phone interview — because doing so would “undermine the city’s commitment to keeping HR matters confidential.”

Text messages obtained by the news outlets show that behind the scenes, Cook continued to coordinate with the mayor after he left city employment — weighing in on city operations and discussing campaign contributions from Cook’s clients.

“Keep the city team focusing on things that can get done in ten months, not ten years. Do gooders will do nothing if left to their own devices,” Cook texted Hogsett on Dec. 26, 2021.

Two days later, Hogsett texted Cook about campaign contributions from Stephenson and another businessman with ties to the Elevator Hill project: “Jeremy graciously contributed today. We anxiously await $2500 from Bob Schloss. I can’t seem to get Emily to corral the money. Any suggestions?”

“Emily” is presumably a reference to Emily Gurwitz, Hogsett’s campaign finance director.

Campaign finance records show Jeremy Stephenson of 1820 Ventures contributed $2,500 to Hogsett’s campaign on Dec. 27. Schloss, who had a stake in the project as a member of the company that owns the site, donated $2,750 the following month. Both said in interviews that their contributions were typical.

In his interview with reporters, Hogsett acknowledged raising money from Cook’s clients, but denied any direct connection between donations and city incentives for economic development projects.

“I am a successful fundraiser,” he said. “I raise money from people who support me as an individual, who support me as a mayor and who believe in my vision for the city of Indianapolis, but that has nothing to do with whether these individuals are doing business with the city.”

‘Reputation is really critical’

Less than a year after awarding incentives to Elevator Hill, Andrews’ department selected 1820 Ventures to redevelop a key piece of city-owned property: the old jail site on the eastern edge of downtown. Cook’s client was selected over two other developers who submitted less ambitious plans.

The $120 million mixed-use development, rebranded as the “Cole Motor” campus, was to include loft-style apartments, coworking office space, retail and a music venue. The city awarded the project $15.5 million in tax increment financing.

The project faced a setback, however, when engineers discovered a structural problem that would require part of the main jail building to be demolished. After discussions in which Cook was involved, the city agreed to pay for the demolition, which was estimated to cost up to $5 million.

The project finally broke ground in March and remains under construction, but it no longer includes the music venue.

Stephenson said he did not know about Cook’s relationship with Andrews and wouldn’t have hired Cook had he known about it.

“If I would have known any of that, I would not have hired Thomas (Cook) to touch any of our projects at all,” Stephenson said. “I can just tell you that, for us, reputation is really critical.”

In a statement, a Bose McKinney & Evans spokesperson said the law firm was never informed that Cook had been disciplined or asked to resign by the city.

The spokesperson said Bose “never accepted an engagement where a conflict existed and was not waived.”

“We had no knowledge of any personal relationship he had beyond his wife,” the statement said. “Bose immediately terminated his employment after learning about improper conduct while working at the City.”

City Market

Other redevelopment projects Cook’s clients were involved in hit snags, too, including City Market.

In June 2022, the city selected Cook’s clients, Gershman Partners and Citimark, to replace the eastern wing of the historic food hall with an 11-story apartment tower, renovate a public plaza to the west, and convert the neighboring Gold Building from office space to apartments. The proposal beat out two less expensive pitches.

Emails obtained through a public records request show Andrews and Cook helped coordinate the rollout of the announcement.

“Downtown Indianapolis is the heartbeat of our city,” Andrews said in announcing that Gershman had been selected, “and this signature project adds to the pipeline of over $3 billion in economic development in our cultural core.”

In 2023, the city awarded the project $18.8 million in tax increment financing, but since then it has faced multiple setbacks.

Earlier this year, city officials revealed they would be looking for a new developer to lead improvements to the western plaza, as Gershman and Citimark “navigate financing challenges,” the Indianapolis Business Journal reported.

Now, the developers are seeking additional help from taxpayers. The Hogsett administration is planning to give the development group an $18 million bridge loan to help the firm avoid foreclosure and finish the Gold Building project.

Eric Gershman, president of Gershman Partners, said Cook stopped working on the project when he was fired from Bose in July 2024 after IndyStar disclosed that multiple women had accused him of sexual harassment and abuse of power.

Gershman said Cook was involved in the company’s meetings with Andrews. But he said he did not know that Cook and Andrews had a romantic relationship.

Special cases

In other cases, projects that Cook worked on benefited from rare policy exceptions that Andrews recommended.

With approval from City-County Council, DMD awarded $16 million in tax increment financing to two other Gershman projects: a high-end apartment building called Versa on the site of a former Kroger in Broad Ripple, and a five-story apartment and retail development called Link on the site of an old White Castle distribution center in Fountain Square.

Under the city’s policies at the time, residential projects that received TIF funding were required to set aside a percentage of their units for affordable housing. But in late 2022, Andrews told a City-County Council committee that pandemic-related cost increases warranted a change.

She introduced a new policy that would allow developers to avoid the requirement if they paid a one-time fee to the city’s affordable housing fund instead. She said she expected the fee to be $750,000 to $1 million.

The new policy, however, was short-lived. Versa and Link were the only projects approved with the exception.

Link has not moved forward, but construction on Versa is ongoing. The developer paid nearly $550,000 into the city’s housing trust fund, significantly less than what Andrews had suggested.

Auboni Hart, a spokesperson for the Department of Metropolitan Development, confirmed that the agency has not granted the exception to any other projects.

“This isn’t something that we’re looking to advertise per se,” Hart said. “It’s not a general preference of ours that people pay and not include affordable housing.”

Eric Gershman said his firm is still hoping to proceed with Link but faces challenges in the current economic environment.

Opposition from neighbors

Andrews also promoted some projects by Cook’s clients over the objections of neighboring residents.

For example, the city approved rezoning, development waivers, and $27 million in property tax abatements and TIF funding for a proposed $200 million commerce park on the city’s far south side, near the intersection of Arlington Avenue and County Line Road.

The project drew opposition from environmental groups and neighbors who feared destruction of wetlands where bald eagles and other wildlife congregated. State regulators ultimately denied Gershman and Citimark a permit to encroach on the portion of the development containing wetland, but warehouse construction is proceeding on the remaining parts of the 150-acre development.

In another case, Lincoln Lofts, an affordable housing project set to receive $2 million in COVID relief funds, had drawn heavy opposition from neighborhood residents, who wanted to save the school building at the site from being demolished. Nearly 1,000 people signed an online petition calling for the Abraham Lincoln School’s preservation in the Bates-Hendricks neighborhood.

But Cook and his clients argued that preserving the school was not feasible. The conflict came to a head at a Metropolitan Development Commission meeting in December 2021, when the developers were seeking a zoning change needed for the project to move forward. Andrews’ staff recommended approval.

Cook didn’t speak at the meeting, but his presence loomed over it. The commission’s chairman, John Dillon III, even asked Cook to give the Pledge of Allegiance at the beginning of the meeting.

After the commission approved the zoning change, Cook texted a city employee.

“Won on a procedural fight 5-2 to move forward today. Then won 7-0 on the substantive vote,” he wrote. “The neighborhood is all varieties of pissed.”

“JD made me give the pledge,” Cook added. “Which probably didn’t help.”

Despite neighborhood opposition, Andrews included the project in her funding announcement a few months later.

David Steele, 70, who attended the school and started the petition to save it, said he had no idea Cook was involved, much less that he had a romantic relationship with Andrews.

“It says the process has no integrity,” he said.

Despite the support from the city, the Lincoln Lofts development won’t move forward, said J. Taggart Birge, co-founder of Birge & Held, the real estate development company behind the project. The company attributed the lack of progress to challenges with securing state funding.

The company said if it had been aware of any conflicts of interest, it would not have worked with Cook.

“Similar to dozens of other clients, we worked with Thomas Cook years before his issues surfaced,” Birge said.

As with 1820 Ventures, Cook’s other clients made significant contributions to Hogsett’s campaign around the time their projects were under consideration — at least $154,500 from 2021 to 2024.

Internal complaints

Although Hogsett said he’s confident his administration’s economic development deals were in the public’s best interest, some of his own employees weren’t so sure.

After IndyStar and Mirror Indy published stories detailing previously unknown allegations against Cook in 2024, the City-County Council hired an outside firm, Fisher Phillips, to investigate the Hogsett administration’s handling of the allegations.

During the investigation, staff told investigators that there was a perception that Cook used the two months that Hogsett allowed him to continue working for the city in late 2020 before resigning to set himself up for personal gain by negotiating contracts for his own benefit.

In a recent interview, Hogsett dismissed those concerns, citing a memo from the city’s legal office that outlines the work Cook completed during his last 68 days as chief of staff.

“No documents were produced during that review which indicated Mr. Cook acted illegally or in violation of the City-County’s ethics ordinance,” Hogsett said.

But Cook’s work for private developers and rumors about his relationship with Andrews “absolutely raised concerns” inside the city’s metropolitan development department, said Ike McCoy, who worked there from 2021 to 2023.

“Everyone began to double-check their work, what they were being directed to work on and approve, and generally felt like if they stayed working in DMD they might get caught up, either knowingly or unknowingly, in something illegal or unethical that might damage their career,” he said.

Several staffers felt that Andrews was recommending incentives to projects because of her relationship with Cook, McCoy said. The concerns culminated in one DMD employee making a complaint to the city’s top attorney at the time, Corporation Counsel Anne O’Connor, according to McCoy and another former staffer. The employee asked that Andrews be removed from decisions involving Cook’s clients.

It’s unclear whether the complaint was brought to the mayor’s attention. Hogsett refused to answer questions about any complaints from staff, again citing confidentiality of “theoretical personnel matters.”

“As far as staff knew the complaint didn’t go anywhere,” McCoy said.

O’Connor left a few months after receiving the complaint. She declined to comment for this story, citing attorney-client confidentiality.

Cook’s firing

Since his ouster from Bose, Cook has maintained a low profile.

His LinkedIn profile states he is a project management consultant, and a recent filing with the Secretary of State’s office shows he has created a new company called Jefferson Ventures LLC.

The purpose of the company is unclear.

Andrews, meanwhile, left city government at the end of 2023 and became a vice president at T&H Investments, a real estate development company. During Andrew’s time as DMD director and deputy mayor, the company was awarded $6.7 million in federal housing and COVID relief funds allocated by DMD. The company did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Like Cook, Andrews did not receive a waiver to ethics rules that Hogsett strengthened in his first term.

Those rules prohibit former employees from assisting clients on matters involving the city if the employee participated in that matter while working for the city. The rules also ban former employees from lobbying the city for a year after leaving government employment.

Former employees can obtain waivers to those rules from the city’s legal office “when consistent with the public interest.”

The Fisher Phillips investigation found that Cook did not seek a waiver for his work representing developers “as may have been legally necessary” under state and local ethics laws.

Paul Helmke, Director of IU Bloomington’s Civic Leaders Center, said it’s difficult to tell whether any laws have been broken in this case. Even if not, he said the situation could create a process that’s unfair.

“You don’t want a private party benefiting from inside information that they’ve gained from a friend, acquaintance, romantic partner, or from their own past employment,” he said. “That’s cheating the system.”

Julia Vaughn, whose government accountability group Common Cause Indiana awarded Hogsett the “Mr. Clean” award while he was U.S. attorney, called the secretive relationship between Cook and Andrews “a very disturbing situation” in light of Cook’s work for developers after he left city government.

“That’s clearly beyond anything that would be considered ethical,” she said.

Cook’s activities show “there’s a lot of room to strengthen the city’s ethics code,” Vaughn said. The post-employment restrictions, for example, do not include any penalties for violations.

“You need a strong law,” she said, “but you also need enforcement. And I think that’s where the code is lacking.”

Asked if she would award Hogsett the “Mr. Clean” award today, she said, “probably not.”

“I’d suggest he maybe find the scrub brush and get to work,” she said, “because there’s a lot of dirt inside city hall that needs to be cleaned up.”

A clarification was made on Oct. 13, 2025: This article has been updated with additional information about Jeremy Stephenson’s party affiliation.

Mirror Indy, a nonprofit newsroom, is funded through grants and donations from individuals, foundations and organizations.

IndyStar reporter Jordan Smith and editor Ryan Martin contributed to this story.

Contact IndyStar reporter Tony Cook at 317-444-6081 or tony.cook@indystar.com. Follow him on X @IndyStarTony.

Contact Mirror Indy reporter Peter Blanchard at 317-605-4836 or peter.blanchard@mirrorindy.org. Follow him on X @peterlblanchard.

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